How we say ‘yes’ and ‘no’ in English
Dr Stephen Howe is an associate professor at Fukuoka University in Japan but grew up in the East of England. Last year, he was a Visiting Fellow at Wolfson College, Cambridge University.
My study ‘Emphatic yes and no in Eastern English: jearse and dow’ appears in Southern English Varieties: Then and Now, ed. by Laura Wright, Berlin and Boston: de Gruyter Mouton, published 2018.
France has the Languedoc, or language of oc, the word for yes south of the Loire. Now a study has found that England and America have a langue de jearse ’n’ dow – two historically linked eastern regions with special words for ‘yes’ and ‘no’, jearse and dow, unrecorded by the Oxford English Dictionary.
Where do these new old words for ‘yes’ and ‘no’ come from? And why do we have so many ways of expressing ‘yes’ and ‘no’ in English?
The aim of my research is threefold: (1) to examine the origins and forms of ‘yes’ and ‘no’ in English, (2) based on this, to examine the conventionalisation of responses to ‘yes’ and ‘no’ particles in human language more generally, and (3) to investigate a fundamental and probably very old part of human language, namely why we communicate ‘yes’ and ‘no’ trimodally — with language, vocalisation and gesture.
It might seem that ‘yes’ and ‘no’ are simple. We use them hundreds of times every day. However, a moment’s reflection will bring to mind the standard yes and no, informal yeah and nah, and regional aye, ayuh and nay. We also have political yea and triumphant yay. We can say yep and nope. We can vocalise ‘yes’ and ‘no’ as uh huh and uh-uh, and gesture them by nodding and shaking our heads. And, of course, there are significant differences between languages and cultures in what ‘yes’ and ‘no’ can signify. So we have more than a dozen ways — and three modalities — of communicating ‘yes’ or ‘no’.
To find out where ‘yes’ and ‘no’ come from, read on.
Gestures and vocalizations
‘Yes’ and ‘no’ are extraordinary because they have paralinguistic and extralinguistic equivalents: in addition to verbal yes and no, we have vocalised uh huh and uh-uh, and the gestures of nodding and shaking our heads. The trimodality — language, vocalisation and gesture — of ‘yes’ and ‘no’ is quite exceptional, making them a potentially significant area of research in understanding the origins of human communication.
Nodding and shaking our heads
So why do we nod and shake our heads to communicate ‘yes’ and ‘no’? Charles Darwin wrote in The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (1872) on the origin of the gesture for ‘no’:
With infants, the first act of denial consists in refusing food; and I repeatedly noticed with my own infants, that they did so by withdrawing their heads laterally from the breast, or from anything offered them in a spoon.
In refusing food, children frequently move their heads several times from side to side, as we do in shaking our heads in negation … the mouth is closed, so that these movements might likewise come to serve as signs of negation.
On the origin of the gesture for ‘yes’, Darwin wrote:
In accepting food and taking it into their mouths, … [infants] incline their heads forwards.
However, Darwin realised that not all cultures gesture ‘yes’ and ‘no’ in the same way. He wrote:
With respect to negation, if we admit that the shaking of the finger or hand from side to side is symbolic of the lateral movement of the head; and if we admit that the sudden backward movement of the head represents one of the actions often practised by young children in refusing food, then there is much uniformity throughout the world in the signs of negation, and we can see how they originated.
Nevertheless if we look to the various races of man, these signs are not so universally employed as I should have expected; yet they seem too general to be ranked as altogether conventional or artificial.
An alternative explanation for ‘yes’ is that a nod is a reduced, abbreviated bow. But what is a bow? It’s a gesture signifying that you are prepared to accept what another person is saying or asking – you reduce your height, avert your gaze and expose the back of your neck – that is, it’s a sign of submission.
Uh-huh and uh-uh
Elvis sings multimodal yes
What about vocalized ‘yes’ and ‘no’, uh huh and uh-uh?
John Lennon said:
I remember when Elvis did All Shook Up, it was the first time in my life that I had heard uh huh, oh yeah, and yeah, yeah, all sung in the same song.
Yes and no have interjectionality – a paralinguistic quality at the edge of language – with expressive vocalising and emotional emphasis more common than in ‘normal’ words.
So we can hear for example …
Triumphant yes and agonising no, as well as doubtful yes, dismissive yes, bored yes, sarcastic yes, definite no, angry no and surprised no, to name a few.
‘Yes’ and ‘no’ combine older interjections and newer language. In the brain, there is evidence of a difference between interjections and language. Interjections are associated with phylogenetically ancient subcortical circuitry linked with emotion; language proper is associated with phylogenetically more recent cortical structures (Wharton 2003). This suggests that our ancestors communicated ‘yes’ or ‘no’ by vocalisation before language.
Yep and nope
‘Yes’ and ‘no’ can also have sound symbolism, where the sounds are not arbitrary as usual in language, rather the sounds themselves have some meaning. In yep and nope the final p sound, termed a stop or plosive, represents an audible full stop or period. For example:
Will you vote for Trump?
We can find similar sound symbolism in plop, whop and thump.
Yea has the same origin as German or Swedish ja. But yes is not related to any word in any other language. So where does it come from? To answer that we need to talk about ways of answering yes/no questions in different languages.
If your partner asks you Don’t you love me anymore, your answer will depend not only on your heart but also on your language. In Japanese if you are unhappy you might answer yes, meaning that it’s true, I don’t love you. In English, on the other hand, you might answer no, meaning that I do not love you. Japanese is truth based, while English is polarity based. Thus, Japanese can reply yes and English no with the same (unhappy) meaning.
In polarity languages like English, yes alone in response to a negative question can be ambiguous:
Don’t you love me anymore?
Some languages have a special form of ‘yes’, such as French si or German doch, to answer a negative question in the positive. English had one, too (and in some varieties still does), namely yes.
So, the most recent explanation for the origin of yes (Wallage & van der Wurff 2013) is that it comes from earlier
‘yea’ + ‘is so’
That is, an unequivocal yea.
‘Yea’ + ‘is so’ merged into one word to form ‘yes’. Later we will see this same process of merger into one word – termed univerbation – in the origin of jearse and dow.
Particles and echoes
‘Yea’ and ‘is so’ are what we call particles and echoes. Particles and echoes are the two main ways of answering ‘yes’ and ‘no’ in the world’s languages. A particle is a very short function word. An echo is a response that echoes the question.
For example, to the question Will you marry me, we can answer using a particle, yes or no:
Or we can answer with an echo. An example of such a response is the matrimonial I do, which echoes the question:
Do you take this man/woman to be your lawfully wedded husband/wife?
Abba’s echo yes
Some languages – such as Welsh – commonly respond with echoes rather than particles. And some languages don’t have words for ‘yes’ and ‘no’.
Often, including in English, we combine a particle and echo together, as in Obama’s 2008 campaign slogan:
As you can see, we can even echo an unspoken question.
Aye and ayuh
Particles and echoes also help us explain the origin of another common word for ‘yes’, aye.
In the Survey of English Dialects, carried out in the 1950s, the most widespread form for ‘yes’ was not yea or yes, but aye. It was used not only in the North and Midlands, but also in areas of the South of England. It is a feature of Scottish English, too, and is used in government in many English-speaking countries. There’s also the aye-like ayuh in New England, familiar to readers of Stephen King.
Aye appears suddenly about 1575 and is very common around 1600. Surprisingly, it is first written I. For example, Shakespeare makes the following play on words in Romeo and Juliet (here in original spelling):
Hath Romeo slaine himselfe? say thou but I,
And that bare vowell I shall poyson more
Then the death-darting eye of Cockatrice,
I am not I, if there be such an I.
Or those eyes shot, that makes thee answere I:
If he be slaine say I, or if not, no.
Briefe, sounds, determine my weale or wo.
So where does aye come from, and why was it first written I? These two questions have intrigued scholars.
To answer the first question, aye likely comes from interjection + particle. As well as being interjectional, yes and no particles are often also augmented by interjections – oh yes, oh no and so on – and this was true in Shakespeare’s time, too:
ah + yea > aye
Like Elvis’ oh yeah.
Secondly, there was probably an overlap with the pronominal echo I. We can illustrate this with a simple example using Modern English:
Do you really love me?
Yes, I do
Yes, I is a particle + echo.
We can find the pronominal echo in earlier English. For example, in The Romaunt of the Rose, possibly in part by Chaucer:
Knowest hym ought?
Yhe, Dame, parde!
Know him at all?
Yea, Lady, by God!
The pronominal echo ‘I’ could overlap with ‘yes’, meaning that ‘ah + yea’ could be interpreted as ‘I’ by speakers. This is what’s termed folk etymology, reanalysis of a word’s origin (like hamburger, a meat patty from Hamburg, as ‘ham + burger’).
Around the same time, the pronunciation of ‘I’ was changing. The old form in English was consonantal ich, pronounced itch; the new vocalic form i was pronounced ee. However, in the Great Vowel Shift – a series of changes in pronunciation between Chaucer’s and Shakespeare’s time – i came to be pronounced aye, meaning that ‘I’ and ‘aye’ became homophones.
Could New England ayuh be ‘aye’? Given the demographics of English emigration to New England between 1629 and 1640 and that aye is ‘exceedingly common’ in written records about 1600, and the use of aye, ei and ah in parts of eastern England today, it seems likely that New England ayuh is a variant of ‘aye’, or some kind of augmented form.
She loves you, yes, yes, yes
Another word that has become very popular is yeah. It is perhaps surprising, however, that the English Dialect Dictionary, completed in 1905, has no entry for ‘yeah’. According to the Oxford English Dictionary yeah is a colloquial, casual, originally US pronunciation of yes.
The OED’s earliest reference to yeah is from 1905. However, by the power of the Internet, we can antedate that by almost a century, from England in 1811:
Mrs Solus: We’ll live and love so tender!
Solus: You’ll mix my powders
Mrs Solus: ‘Hover round your bed, And bathe your temples, and bind up your head.’
Solus: Yeah! you fond gipsey.
It is probable that both British and American English had variants without -s, from either ‘yea’ or ‘yes’, and that the US form and particularly the spelling yeah have become widespread through popular culture.
On this note, Paul McCartney tells the story in Carpool Karaoke of when the Beatles wrote She Loves You. After finishing the song, Paul and John played it to McCartney’s father:
We say Dad, Dad, listen. Do you want to hear a song?
Paul’s father listened to the whole song and said:
That’s very nice, but son, there’s enough of these Americanisms around. Couldn’t you sing She loves you, yes, yes, yes?
Jearse and dow
Jearse and dow are special emphatic words for ‘yes’ and ‘no’. They are used like this:
Didn’t she go to Cambridge yesterday?
Did he go to Ely yesterday?
Jearse and dow are not recorded in the Oxford English Dictionary, the Survey of English Dialects or the English Dialect Dictionary. However, in my survey I found them in a large swathe of England from the Colne to the Humber, including Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Lincolnshire and part of Essex.
They are also used in Northeast America. Although not recorded by the Linguistic Atlas of New England, the Dictionary of American Regional English cites daow, daowd, dow, doh or day-oh in Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts and Rhode Island as well as New York State. There is also daow in New Hampshire. For ‘jearse’, informants in my survey have cited jass in Upstate New York and possibly Vermont, jearse in New Hampshire, and jyes or djess in Maine and Massachusetts.
Colonists from Eastern England probably brought dow and jearse to New England in the seventeenth century; four hundred years later, this distinctive feature of Eastern English still survives.
Like yes and aye, jearse and dow most likely developed from augmentation, in this case by interjectional ‘dear’:
‘dear’ + ‘yes’ > jearse
‘dear’ + ‘no’ > dow
The Oxford English Dictionary records constructions with ‘dear’ such as dear bless, dear help and dear save us! These are expressions of astonishment ‘usually implying an appeal for higher help’. Dear represents or implies a fuller dear Lord.
Although Puritans were not the only emigrants to New England nor religion the sole motive for leaving home, it is likely that Lord was omitted in order not to blaspheme, the augmentor by this time was simply dear, or jearse and dow were already univerbated forms and the Puritans ignorant of their etymology.
Already in Chaucer, we can find ‘yes’ and ‘no’ augmented by an oath:
‘Ye [= yea], holy God,’ quod she, ‘what thyng is that?’
‘Why, nay,’ quod he, ‘by God and by my trouthe!’
We also find dear yes and dear no in Dickens, for example Tale of Two Cities:
‘Damn it all, sir!’ said Stryver, staring at him, ‘am I not eligible?’
‘Oh dear yes! Yes. Oh yes, you’re eligible!’
And David Copperfield (incidentally, Dickens does not use dow in David Copperfield, though both jearse and dow are recorded in Great Yarmouth):
‘She doesn’t sing to the guitar?’ said I
‘Oh dear no!’ said Traddles
In Eastern English, dear yes and dear no underwent univerbation – merger into one word – to jearse and dow.
Another example of univerbation in English is:
God be with you > goodbye
Dow and jearse in America
But how did dow and jearse come to America? My maternal grandmother, from a small village in East Anglia, spoke in a way that to me as a child sounded very American. I later learned that it was the other way around – that Americans, at least from New England, sounded a lot like my grandmother.
You can listen to some traditional New England dialect here: https://video.mainepublic.org/video/mpbn-specials-a-downeast-smile-in-the-sea/
Almost four hundred years ago, people from the east of England settled in New England. David H. Fischer writes in Albion’s Seed:
From 1629 to 1775, the present area of the United States was settled by at least four large waves of English-speaking immigrants. The first was an exodus of Puritans from the east of England to Massachusetts during a period of eleven years from 1629 to 1640.
Approximately 60 per cent of emigrants to Massachusetts came from Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Hertfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Lincolnshire, Bedfordshire and Kent. Fischer writes that led by the Arbella,
The seventeen vessels that sailed to Massachusetts in 1630 were the vanguard of nearly 200 ships altogether … This exodus continued from 1630 to the year 1641 … After the year 1640, New England’s great migration ended as abruptly as it began … Migration to New England did not resume on a large scale for many years – not until Irish Catholics began to arrive nearly two centuries later.
In the speech of New England, we can still hear this relationship today. Gerald E. Lewis gives an example of American daow in How to Talk Yankee:
Did you get your deer yet?
Daow, I can’t even see one.
And John Gould, author of Maine Lingo, tells the apocryphal story of some Maine lobstermen in federal court for price fixing. Washington lawyers asked a witness a foolish question, to which the witness replied,
The court recessed so that the lawyers could find out what daow meant, and how to spell it.
And an informant from New Hampshire gives an example of jearse:
Hey, have you seen where the muffin tins went?
Hmmmm, jearse, in the oven I think.
“I totally just thought this was a weird NH thing.”
New England migrants and their descendants spread out from Massachusetts to southern New England, eastern New Jersey and northern New York, later migrating east and north to Maine and Canada, and west to the Pacific. Cities founded by settlers from New England include Buffalo, Cleveland, Chicago, Denver, Seattle and San Francisco.
Is it possible that jearse and dow travelled that far? If you know or use jearse and dow, please complete the Dow and Jearse Survey here
But Homer Simpson’s doh is not dow. Homer’s doh means ‘How stupid’; dow means emphatically ‘no.’
The observers’ paradox
Finally, how could words for ‘yes’ and ‘no’ be missed by so many studies? Jearse and dow have probably been in use for four hundred years or more, yet have almost entirely escaped linguists’ attention.
Joseph Wright, the famous dialectologist, was well aware of the observer’s paradox, as he writes in the preface to his English Dialect Grammar:
The working classes speak quite differently among themselves, than when speaking to strangers or educated people, and it is no easy matter for an outsider to induce them to speak pure dialect, unless the outsider happens to be a dialect speaker himself.
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